The Multifaceted Development of Jamaican Identity:
Both Religious and Linguistic In Nature
Aileen Ozay
Rhetoric of Reggae
Nearly every human being on this earth can identify with a sense
of belonging. One may belong to a certain club, school, region, country, social
group, etc. Many times, this belonging works in reciprocity with a person’s
identity. Identity is often referred to as a multifaceted aspect of
personality, normally associated with an individual’s relationship to certain
social groups (Fitzpatrick 14). Most times, this identity works hand in hand
with aspects of nationhood associated
with language and religion. A great deal of people take for granted this sense
of identity which seems to evolve naturally throughout one’s life. The quest
towards establishing a state identity is not a simple affair, yet many social
theorists find that language and religion are two main pillars from which
identity is formed. The purpose of this piece is to illustrate the ways in
which the formation of language identity and religious identity contribute to
an understanding of Jamaican culture at large which is (of course) represented
in reggae music. The far reaching ability of language and religion in the realm
of identity should not go unnoticed.
The
term ‘identity’ is used very loosely in today’s vocabulary. It is usually
regarded as an aspect of personality associated with an individual’s
relationship to particular groups. “..by the late 1600s the terminological
situation (of the term identity) was further complicated by the coining of such
terms as cultural identity, political identity, ethnic identity, and national
identity. These overlapping terms refer to some of the many forms of collective
identity” (Morris 8). In order to define collective identity, the distinction
between ‘member’ and ‘non-member’ becomes very important. Hence, there is
created a thick line between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ National identity also follows
this type of “judgment proliferate,” (Morris 10) signaling an obvious distinction
in the contemporary world between ‘us’ and ‘them’ in many branches of life,
including linguistic and religious tendencies.
A
brief understanding of Jamaica’s diverse history is compulsory in understanding
the myriad of events which have lent themselves to questions about Jamaican
identity. Though the mass of land which is known a Jamaica has in common its
geographical coordinates, the area which constitutes Jamaica is “a complex amalgam of races and ethnicities, drawn
together from the repercussions of slavery, colonialism and migration” (Clark
1). Prior to the arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1494, Jamaica was inhabited
by an indigenous group by the name of the Arawaks. The impact of Spanish
contact with this hunter-gatherer society was stupendous. New diseases,
economic activities, and migration disrupted and destroyed the Arawak community
almost entirely. Disappointed by the
absence of gold on the island, the Spanish used Jamaica as a base for
supporting the conquest of the Americas, particularly Mexico with its treasures
of gold and silver. By the mid 1600s, the area now known as Jamaica was
captured by the British expedition following their unsuccessful invasion of
Hispaniola. The island was of little strategic importance for the Spanish, and
they succumbed to British power. The British first experimented with indentured
European labor before resorting to the large scale importation of Africans to
be used as slaves on the sugar plantations. The British economy, as well as
plantation owners benefited tremendously from their newfound prosperity in
Jamaica (Cashmore 32). Over 90% of the 2.5 million
people living in Jamaica today are descendants of slaves brought from western
Africa by the British. These slaves suffered decades of vile
mistreatment before 1838 when the slaves were emancipated and the plantations
had to begin paying wages to its workers. Some slaves, referred to as Maroons,
escaped to the mountains to live in small bands. By 1938, the national movement
for independence and decolonization began to occur with the help of
revolutionary individuals such as Marcus Garvey, a prominent Jamaican black
rights activist. Jamaica was granted independence in 1962 (Cashmore 35).
As
globalization becomes more relevant in today’s society, ideals of economics,
politics, and human affairs will naturally shift. This change has made groups
and individuals more ontologically insecure and existentially uncertain about
conceptions of identity. “One main response to such
insecurity is to seek reaffirmation of one’s self identity by drawing closer to
any collective that is perceived as being able to reduce insecurity and
existential anxiety. The combination of religion and nationalism is a
particularly powerful response (an “identity-signifier”) in times of rapid change
and uncertain futures, and is therefore more likely than other identity
constructions to arise during crises of ontological insecurity” (Kinvall 1). As
it is, religion and nationalism produce particularly powerful stories and
beliefs because of their ability to convey a picture of security, stability,
and “go-to” explanations (Kinvall 1-2).
Religion
It
should come as no surprise that when the Ras Tafari movement began to take
hold, the Jamaican public embraced it with open arms. After all, the Jamaican
public was just faced with independence, and they sought brand new cultural
items to associate themselves with. Most times, change occurs at the precipice.
For thousands of individuals in the West Indies during the late 1970s, the
world of their ancestors and parents drifted farther away, becoming distant and
somehow unrelated to their own situations. As time progressed, they became
disconnected from the old-world mentality and immersed themselves in the
movement known as Ras Tafari. At this point, new sets of beliefs were learned,
transforming self conceptions and ambitions. Many Jamaican individuals look
back on this as an exhilarating period of revelation (Cashmore 309).
This
“disjuncture with the parental culture” was signified by the acceptance of Haile
Selassie as a savior. This moment symbolizes the Jamaican entry into a new
reality and way of life. An endeavor which one Rasta characterized as “to
revive our true self and really know our ability to discover our history” began
to gain popularity as this agenda was deemed as fruitful and rewarding
(Cashmore 314). The commonly accepted idea was that the Rasta had always
existed, yet the coming of Selassie made them realize their role and intention.
This conception goes along with the idea that this strong sense of identity was
never absent from the life of the Rasta; it just went unnoticed. Finally, after
decades of plight, a shared identity was located and popularized by the Jamaican people. “It is
inevitable that we, as black people, were never and can never be apart of this
country where we do not belong; like a heart transplant, it rejects us.”
Cashmore suggests that this type of withdrawal into racially exclusive groups
results from an individual’s realization of a common identity and shared
destiny (310).
The
main pillars of Rastafarianism uphold two truths: 1. the Divinity of Haile
Selassie and 2. His ability to instigate the African redemption. Apart from
these, the determination of a Rastafarian doctrine is highly individualized,
and up to individual interpretation. One may easily connect to Rastafarianism
in a unique way, which might be different from other Rastafarians. Herein, one
may experience security for belonging to a larger social group while still
preserving beliefs and practices which are crucial to them. The personal,
non-descriptive relationship between Rasta and his religion allows for a large
range of people to grasp on in different ways. This might be why Rastafarianism
has gained such wide acclaim, especially by Jamaican inhabitants. The creation
of Rastafarianism immediately stimulated new patterns of interaction. “Gangs
which has previously come together as a more or less spontaneous evolution of
the rudimentary schoolboy gangs became the vehicles for a new type of
socialization” (Cashmore 310). The drifting Rastas came to internalize a
totally fresh comprehension of the world and their place in it, yielding a
completely new sense of national and individual identity.
The
ital diet which is adopted by more “conservative” Rastas also exemplifies a “identity-signifier”
or “judgment proliferate” in relation to Jamaican sketches of identity. Rastas
believe that every human has ‘life-energy’ or ‘livity’ and in order to preserve
and foster this positive energy, one must consume an ital diet belonging to
mostly unprocessed food. Other stipulations include avoiding salt, coloring,
additives, cigarettes, and even alcohol (though when it comes to ganja, the
consensus, as mention by Peter Tosh, is “legalize it”). Basically, Rasta’s believe
that what is put into one's body should enhance Livity rather than reduce it.
Throughout history, religions have adopted forms of restraint when it comes to
food choices. These choices reflect both an adherence and a sacrifice.
"Every religion provides
ways by which humans can try to relate to a supreme being
or some supernatural force. Many of the practices and beliefs of the
various religions are attempts to explain those things which humans themselves
can not understand or control. Each religion has evolved certain rituals or
customs which are important to the members of that religion. The observance of
these rituals and customs is believed to be mandatory since they express and
reaffirm the various beliefs of the religion" (Lowenbrg, 126).
Let’s admit that food is a
huge part of human life. After reproduction, the pursuit and consumption of
food is arguably the next most primal, instinctual practice humans partake in.
For the Rastafarian forefathers, an ital diet provided yet another vehicle by
which to empower and belong by eliciting dedication and reverence to certain
practices. The ital diet is also highly individualized, which lends to a more
inclusive standard by which Jamaican individuals may relate and identify.
Language
As
mentioned, language has a great deal to do with a person's conception of their
own identity as well as the identity of the nation with which they claim
citizenship. The question must first be addressed: What constitutes a nation?
French scholar, Ernest Renan suggests that a nation is a “spiritual principle
based on shared memories, the cult of a glorious past, as well as the ability
to forget shameful events [in the nation's past]” and above all, “a daily
plebiscite: the collective affirmation of a national will by the citizens of a
country” (Duany 15). There is, of course, no set ideal regarding the term
'nation,' and so Renan's definition might come across as a bit vague. This is
to be expected when contemplating the meaning of a term which is used in so
many different contexts. The identification of a national language constitutes
a great deal of heft for the Jamaican people, for it is the ever-present basis
of their nation's roots and social constructs. “The identification
of a language with a people has been given the most attention. it is a truism
that the equation of language and nation is a historical, ideological
construct...Exported through colonialism to become a dominant model around the
world today, the nationalist ideology of language structures state politics,
challenges multilingual states, and underpins ethnic struggles to such an
extent that the absence of a distinct language can cast doubt on the legitimacy
of claims to nationhood...” (Woolard&Shieffen 55). An ideal arises
which constitutes a strong tie between 'one language' and 'one people'
(Fitzpatrick 29).
Patois
is an overarching term which refers to the language most commonly used in
Jamaica. Patois is a Creole, meaning it is a stable language that
originated from a mixture of various languages. The local Jamaican language reflects a history of contact
with a variety of speakers. Jamaican Creole has a majority of its roots in
English, yet some lexicon is borrowed from other languages such as the Arawaks’.
Creoles have experienced a revival since the social, political, and academic
changes brought about by colonization, especially in the past few decades. Their community prestige
has risen since creoles started being used in print and film. In fact, some
have been standardized, and are used in local schools and universities around
the world. (Woolard&Shieffen 50) The standardization of Jamaican Creole
enforces an ideal of solidarity and nationhood for many Jamaican citizens, both
abroad and at home.
The
divide amongst language use in Jamaica is worth mentioning, for it is reflected
in ideals of Jamaican identity. Aside from Patois, some individuals also speak
Jamaican Standard English which is very similar to British English. In the
past, Patois has been regarded as the language of the lower class, while
Jamaican Standard English was regarded as a language of the elite. This all has
to do with ideas left over from colonialism. The need to speak and comprehend
Standard English is was a helpful skill in Jamaica since it is an absolute
prerequisite for a high paying job. The majority of individuals in Jamaica does
not finish secondary school, and are therefore not well versed in Standard
English. Herein, language choice comes not only as a mark of social class, but
also education, economic standing, and urbanization (Justus 42).
Many social theorists
believe that this type of classificatory behavior associated with Jamaican
language choice will soon taper out, and the main justifications for this
theory rests upon folklore and reggae music. “To translate folklore
meaningfully into Jamaican Standard English is difficult if not impossible; to
translate the lyrics of traditional folk songs is totally unacceptable. In the
lyrics of contemporary reggae music, Patois is the medium, and the lyrics are
filled with double entendres, depending heavily upon participation in the local
culture and understanding of the message conveyed” (Justus 45).As Bob Marley sings,
This morning I woke up in a curfew
O God, I was a prisoner too.. yeah..
Couldn’t recognize the faces standing over me
They were all dressed in uniforms of brutality
How many times do we have to cross
Before we can talk to the boss?
All that we got seems lost
We must have paid the cost
Burnin and lootin to survive yeah!
Burnin all pollution tonight
Burnin all illusions tonight
In lyrics such
as these, reggae creates a notion that is truly Jamaican. “It speaks of the
Jamaican condition as it actually distinguishes Jamaica from Europe or to a
lesser degree from Africa. It expresses the beliefs that people from time to
time think they have for themselves, beliefs which inform the trinity of
identity, race, and protest” (Justus, 46). Marley’s lyrics illustrate the
extent that self-categories shape social action while formulating models of ‘us’
and ‘them’ (Reicher 1).
Reggae
“Rastas
have taken carte blanche narratives, poetry, and prophetic materials
from the Older Testament and Africanized them to express their sense of
identity” (Nettelford 14). The example provided below is an excerpt from an
ancient Hebrew lament which Rastafarians have adopted as a common liberation
song.
Cause, the wicked carried us away captivity,
required from us a song, but
How can we sing King Alpha's
song
inner strange land? (repeat)
(The Melodians on Psalm 137)
It is interesting to observe the way in
which reggae music provides a unifying connect which transcends ages and
ethnicities. The next excerpt from a song by Peter Tosh incorporates the notion
of ‘mother Africa’ and further embodies the carte
blanche narratives which encompass Jamaican rhetoric.
There's so many things about you
Wondering where you are
They try their best to hide you Mama
But I search and I find you
CHORUS
In you there's so much beauty
In you there's so much life
In you there's so many kingdoms
To me it's out of sight
CHORUS
You're the maker of gold Mama
You're the maker of diamond
You're the maker of pearls
And the maker of all precious goals
CHORUS
I've been waiting, yearning, looking
Searching to find you
I've been crying, praying hoping
That I may find you Mama
CHORUS
You're my mother Africa
You're my father Africa
Take note of the religious undertone
regarding the “search” for Africa. Also, the last two lines, regarding the
all-encompassing ‘Africa’ as both a maternal and paternal form alludes to the
personification of the omniscient Africa which will save all.
Reggae performances
are also a main staple of community life in Jamaica and some other Caribbean
countries. Many times, dancehalls and amphitheaters allow for a community
center where many Rastas and other community members may take part in the
organization of such musical events (Justus 23). This type of activity
reinforces group cohesion and reciprocity. This essential group bond is a
trademark of reggae music and Jamaican identity, as is represented in Jimmy
Cliff’s song, “Reggae Night.”
Reggae night, we come together
when the feeling's right
Reggae night, and we'll be jammin 'till the morning light
There'll be people comin' from the North and South and East and West
So you better look your best, man
Now, lightnin' strikes at 8, so you better not be late
For this rub-a-dubbin', rockin', jammin', fun, fun, lovin', yeah
Reggae night, we come together when the feeling's right,
Reggae night, and we'll be jammin 'till the morning light
You will find it happens only once a year
So take advantage of this festive cheer
Make we bring we family and let's tell some friends
And everyone will have a jam, jam, session
As was
mentioned, changes in collective categories of identity are at the core of
social transformation. The “causal linkages” among identity change,
institututional change, and change in modes of practice are complex topics. Explanation
of patterns of identity change in terms of wider social processes and resource
distribution, while remaining open to the sense of complexity. The individual’s
experience is exemplified in the
moments of intentionality that arise when individual chooses the direction of
change. Modes of identity change
in a society experience radical change in socio-political structures (Todd, 1).
At this point, one might realize that a large majority of Jamaican identity
lends itself to a lively exchange at the group level while maintaining
multidimensional individualistic realms. While Rasta and Reggae culture prides
itself on bringing the community together, the individual remains free to
approach the system on his/her own terms. Rastafarianism firmly promotes the
individual quest for almighty “jah.” The Ras Tafari mentality upholds the
belief that ‘we are all one,’ while still allowing for a myriad of ways to
reach jah and evade Babylon. Again, these ideas were mostly borrowed from
earlier religions, yet they fell into syncopation with the Ras Tafari mindset.
The bible reads, “And I
will give them one heart, and one way, that they may fear me for ever, for the
good of them, and of their children after them” (Jeremiah
32:39). This
attitude is further revealed in Jimmy Cliff’s song, “We Are All One.”
No matter where we are born, we are human
beings
The same chemistry
Where emotions and feelings all corresponding in love
Compatible
You can't get around it, no matter how hard you try
You better believe it
And if you should find out that you are no different than I
Reply
We all are one (We all), we are the same person (Same person)
I'll be you, you'll be me (I'll be me, you'll be you)
We all are one (We all), same universal world
I'll be you, you'll be me
This schema is also evident is a well known
Jamaican poem by Nadia Patterson:
The human body has many parts,
but the many parts make up only one body.
So it is
with the body of Jah: all of us are of a different status, but the body is made
up of the same elements. Some of us are Jews, Some of us are Gentiles, some are
slaves, some are free. But we ALL have been baptized into Jah's body by one
spirit, we all have received the same spirit.
If the foot
says "I am not a part of the body because I am not a hand", that does
not make it any less a part of the body. And if the ear says "I am not
part of the body because I am only an ear and not an eye" would that make
it any less a part of the body?
Suppose the
whole body were an eye then how would you hear. Or if your whole body were just
one big ear, how could you smell anything?
Jah made our
bodies with many parts, and He put each part just where he wants it. The One
body is not complete with out its many parts. The I (eye) can never say to the
hand "I don't need you", the head can't say to the feet "I don't
need you". We are HIM regardless of race, cast, creed, and culture.
Here, the construction between ‘us’ and ‘them’
is figuratively broken down. Self affiliation and group affiliation become one.
A tradition such as this, which is carried out by Ras Tafari culture and
mainstream Jamaican life, allows simple identification between an individual
basis and a national basis. One’s psychological
identity is deeply rooted in self-image, self-esteem, and individuality
(Kinnvall 35). The Ras Tafari tradition, as noted by Jimmy Cliff’s lyrics and Patternson’ s poem, slightly
transcend the highly individual realm of identity to include the initiative
that all is one (though, of course, this ethic is not always carried out in Jamaican
society).
The relevance of language and religion in Jamaican culture may be easily
identified by the public’s epic serge towards Rastafarianism and Reggae. It is
not too often, in today’s world, that new languages and religions are created.
This is why inguists, social scientists, social philosophers, and
anthropologists around the world have a field day examining the evolution and
nature of Patois and the Ras Tafari traditions. What’s especially interesting
is how the Jamaican quest for individual and national identity is so closely
bound to ideals of language and religion. As a Birmingham Rastaman noted
in 1976, “Rasta is not a version of reality, as you say, Ras Tafari is
reality” (Cashmore 307).
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